Sunday, January 9, 2011

Anti-democratic establishment suppresses freedom of expression in Kurdistan-Iraq

Kirmanj Gundi

After the creation of a “Safe Haven” in some parts of Kurdistan in Iraq in 1992, and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) administration, the people of Kurdistan embraced the Kurdish political parties that at times had disturbing pasts. People of Kurdistan perceived this embracement as “national reconciliation” and the best option for their national interests.  

When the KRG was withering under two sanctions (the UN sanction against Iraq and Saddam Hussein’s blockade against Kurdistan region) in 1990s, people in the KRG controlled areas, particularly doctors, teachers, professors, and other employees continued to provide their civic services gratis to assist the Kurdish administration in running its affairs. They were anticipating a more tranquil and prosperous future in which democracy and freedom of expression would flourish—a future in which human dignity would be protected.

Before long, the dream for a democratic society drifted away before the eyes of the world. The people of Kurdistan found themselves trapped again—this time not by Saddam Hussein’s despotic regime, but rather by an undemocratic Kurdish administration. The two main political factions, Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), soon dominated every aspect of life. They controlled presidency, prime ministership, parliament, police, security, judiciary, media, and other compartments of the KRG government.

However, in the wake of this development in Kurdistan, unprecedented independent media outlets such as newspapers, blogs, and digital media/websites came into existence. These independent and free outlets have been very active in promoting democracy and scrutinizing government policies and behavior towards people. Soon, it was realized that a free press and freedom of speech was not going to be tolerated by the KRG establishment, especially by the KDP leadership. Occasionally, independent journalists were warned by the KDP officials. Sometimes, the KDP president, Mr. Masoud Barzani himself reminded independent journalists that their activities could not be tolerated. A handful of journalists resisted the KDP pressure and continued their work in support of freedom of expression, notably Soran Mama Hama, a young journalist from Kirkuk. Soran published an article about Barzani family in Lvin Magazine; soon after that, he was murdered in execution style right before his house. Although, all fingers were pointed at the KDP leadership for Soran’s murder, the KDP leadership could evade any thorough investigation of the murder since they could manipulate the situation through their influence over mainstream media and the police/legal system. In other cases of journalistic coverage, some journalists were severely beaten—others harassed by the KDP forces—some fled the country such as Mr. Halgurd Samad of Lvin Magazine.

Further, KDP’s hysterical and hostile behavior against a free press increased. Independent newspaper companies including Lvin Magazine, Awene, and Hawlati newspapers found themselves under constant scrutiny and harassment for promoting freedom and democratic principles. Their editor-in-chiefs were threatened for publishing “opposing views” about Mr. Barzani or members of his family.  
The KDP’s attitudes towards a free and independent press contradict their “democratic” slogans. Occasionally, Mr. Masoud Barzani was quoted saying, “Kurdish people are my brothers and sisters.” But, when a young journalist, Sardashat Osman, wrote his famous article, “I am in love with the daughter of President Masoud Barzani” he was not treated as a young “irresponsible” brother who, perhaps needed some admonishment. But rather, it is widely believed that the KDP’s security forces kidnapped Sardasht from Hawlêr (Erbil) and took him to Mosul, where they ended his young life with two bullets in his mouth. This was a message the Barzani family wanted to send to Sardasht’s colleagues, “Do not open your mouth about the Barzani family.” This hideous crime shook the conscience of people inside Kurdistan and abroad. People were affronted, mainly by the arrogance displayed by the Barzani leadership. First, they issued a denial, and then they accused Sardasht of being a conspirator and collaborator with radical Islamists.

The reaction people showed made it clear to the KDP and Barzani family that they would not stand by quietly while free voices are silenced. People’s message was stronger than the message the Barzani family wanted to send to them through “bullets” in Sardasht’s mouth. The free and vocal press remains as loud as before. The people of Kurdistan have shown no sign that they would allow the culture of Saddam’s tyrannical regime to be replaced by Barzani’s undemocratic establishment without strong dissent. The Barzani family must be cognizant of the fact that people under their rule, like any other society, live in the information age in which communication is instant and information can be exchanged in the matter of seconds. The people of Kurdistan sacrificed loads of blood to achieve this freedom, and they are not willing to relinquish it. This is a new reality and the Barzani family must accept it.    
Furthermore, once the Barzani leadership knew they could not frighten people by murdering their free voices, they turned to exploiting the judiciary establishment, which is another KDP controlled entity, particularly in Hewlêr and Duhok. The KDP leadership was determined to go after any journalist/person or newspaper/magazine that might print columns not welcomed by them. Thus, the Barzani leadership using so-called legal methods brought several dozens of legal suits against Lvin, Hawlati, Awene, and others. According to the Kurdistan Journalist Syndicate, between July 1, 2010 and December 31, 2010, 60 suits were brought against independent journalists and media outlets demanding hundreds of thousands of dollars. The KDP’s intention has been to mount enough monetary pressure on the free media to stop criticizing Mr. Barzani or members of his family.  

In addition, the actions of the KDP leadership have already set a modus operandi that indicates that the future of Kurdistan may not enjoy democracy and prosperity under the Barzani high-handed leadership. In one of his speeches before the election in July 2009, Mr. Barzani stated, “The KDP has rights over people.” This statement appears to suggest that his KDP party has legal and political rights that surpass the rights of individual citizens of Kurdistan. This psycho-political view could be very threatening to the nascent democracy in Kurdistan. Mr. Barzani’s actions speak louder than his mouthing words of democracy. His behavior, in recent years, has gone against every democratic principle; and could imperil the concept of a democratic and peaceful future for the people of Kurdistan.



Kirmanj Gundi is a professor at the Department of Educational Administration and Leadership at Tennessee State University.

5 comments:

  1. How ironic is that the leaders in South Kurdistan have adopted some of the bad habits of Saddam from whom all Kurds, including the Barzani family have suffered? Both KDP and PUK elite must wake up and realize that Kurdistan doesn't belong to anyone but its very people. If Kurdistan could be taken hostage and "tamed" the nation states that are trying to rule over parts of Kurdistan wouldn't have had a problem. It may be too late for the KDP and PUK elites when they get the wake up call from the people of Kurdistan.

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  2. It's not Ironic or hypocrisy to my believe because these forces (KDP and PUK) born and nurtured into a violence environment along with totalitarian ideology. These two forces used the slogan of democracy and autonomy to deceive the Kurds people in order to follow their naive leaders. When they wanted or desired they started a war and they disliked they stoped and started negotiating without any real outcomes for the people. What I see in today's Kurdistan is the undeniable reality that there are 2 classes of people. One belongs to the ruling or we can say suppress class which has a unlimited access to the wealth and power and will use it for it's self interest and sometimes to oppress the second class which is the working or poor class. There is no middle class in Kurdistan which can challenge the ruling class and create a balance between the two. PUK lost its ground with the reality and the people, it become a kind of old KDP where a it created to challenge it not to mimic it. KDP lives in Utopian dream to controlling and ruling all, but don't realize that there is a growing fraction within the Kurdish society who do not think and believe like they do and will not accept the monopoly of power. They claim they are democratic while they oppress and even kill anyone who is different from them. They say they are for freedom of speech and media, while they control almost 98% of Kurdish media and public space. They have more than 800 media channels and mostly use for self interest paid for by the public money and resources. They say they are for free election and in dependant, when it comes to election they start buying votes of people or scare the people who don't vote for them. They fill out the ballot papers and change the ballot boxes. They controlled the judicial system and use outside courts such as tribal reconciliation committee just to alienate the judicial system. They say they want parliamentary system, while their effort and work shows that they only want to empower the executive privileges. What they say and what they practice are totally two different method and style which can be seen only in totalitarian and dictatorship regimes. So, what we can expect from such oppressed and naive group of people who are controlling the power structure of the Kurdish political structure for the past 20 years? My answer is nothing prudent and optimistic. What is the solution?

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  3. Thank you for your article. Both Barzani and Talabani are doing what you wrote. We Kurd always doing this to ourselves and then we are sorry for what we did.
    The Kurdish people need to get educated and get united to achieve democratic system and rule of laws. As long as we looking after our personal interest, we never are going to have independent country.
    Thanks again for this excellent article I read from ekurd.net.

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  4. I just learned that some of the law suits against the journalists have been dropped. Thank you for speaking out on behalf of freedom of the press and media and active discussion among citizens of Kurdistan. The KRG needs to believe that engaged citizens calling attention to problem areas can actually strengthen their government. Much of the criticism helps the government learn what issues are eroding public trust in their governing style. Then they can use these criticisms to make changes or explain their policy to improve and build a stronger society.

    A government that shows itself to be responsive to changes that promote the general public good is going to have more support and should be confident enough in itself to accept constructive suggestions/criticism and laugh off and ignore immature parody. Thank you Dr. Gundi for the article.

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  5. Dear D, Kak Kamaran, Return of the Medes (Geranewey Maddekan), and Dr. Clare Bratten:

    Thank you for taking time and share your thoughts about my article with me. Your feedback always means a lot to me.

    Kirmanj G

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